JULY 11 — The nomination of two unconventional candidates by President Donald Trump as ambassadors to Malaysia and Singapore has stirred waves of speculation across diplomatic circles in Washington, Kuala Lumpur, and Singapore. To many, the selections appear confounding.
But to those familiar with Trump’s worldview — honed through decades in Manhattan’s real estate jungle and the gilded corridors of Mar-a-Lago in Florida — they make perfect sense.
These appointments break sharply from the traditional mold of US ambassadorial roles, which typically emphasiSe diplomatic credentials, cultural sensitivity, and long-standing foreign policy experience. Under Trump, none of that matters — unless it complements one quality above all: loyalty.
High-profile subordination as doctrine
Trump’s second term has cemented what his first already suggested — that he governs not through bureaucracies or institutions, but through personal loyalty, symbolism, and dominance. The nominations to Malaysia and Singapore are the latest arrows across the bow in his war against traditional statecraft.
These ambassadors are not just envoys; they are emissaries of high-profile subordination — a form of diplomacy shaped less by protocol and more by performance.
US President Donald Trump speaks to the media in the Press Briefing Room at the White House in Washington DC, June 27, 2025. According to the author, to understand why Trump picked such figures for Malaysia and Singapore, one must return to the roots of Trumpism itself: real estate. The way Trump sees cities, countries, and continents is shaped by a developer’s eye. Malaysia, with its vast land, growing Muslim population, and untapped economic corridors, is viewed as a high-potential asset. Singapore, with its polished infrastructure and elite financial services, is seen as a turnkey opportunity for influence and leverage. — Reuters pic
High-profile subordination leads, inevitably, to high-profile arrows aimed directly at the traditional view of diplomacy as a domain of restraint, continuity, and cultural fluency. For Trump, diplomacy is not about nurturing long-term relationships, but about securing short-term control. It is not about subtlety — it is about submission. These nominees signal clearly how Trump views political servitude: not as policy expertise but as personal fidelity.
The two candidates for Malaysia and Singapore obviously meet this loyalty test to the tee.
Both are believed to have long-standing ties to Trump, either through his business network, media sphere, or fundraising ecosystem. Their selection is not incidental — it is intentional. They serve not only to represent the United States but to reflect and amplify Trump’s instincts on power, hierarchy, and obedience.
From real estate to regional strategy
To understand why Trump picked such figures for Malaysia and Singapore, one must return to the roots of Trumpism itself: real estate. The way Trump sees cities, countries, and continents is shaped by a developer’s eye. Malaysia, with its vast land, growing Muslim population, and untapped economic corridors, is viewed as a high-potential asset. Singapore, with its polished infrastructure and elite financial services, is seen as a turnkey opportunity for influence and leverage.
In other words, these countries are less sovereign actors than they are “properties” within a geopolitical portfolio — each with a different yield. And just as no seasoned real estate tycoon hires an architect without shared vision, Trump would not appoint ambassadors without alignment to his instincts.
For Trump, diplomacy is an extension of the boardroom, the studio set, and the campaign trail. In each of these arenas, loyalty is the currency of trust, and disloyalty is the ultimate sin.
Replacing statecraft with shake-craft
What makes these appointments all the more striking is how they bypass any meaningful policy experience or regional expertise. But this is not accidental — it’s strategic. Trump prefers to replace the slow gears of statecraft with the sudden jolts of what might be called shake-craft: the intentional disruption of norms to create room for a renegotiation of terms — diplomatic, economic, or military.
Shake-craft, like many of Trump’s governing styles, is built on the premise that institutions are fundamentally flawed or slow. As such, they must be bypassed, not obeyed. This explains why the State Department was barely consulted in these nominations, and why bipartisan Senate resistance was treated as a badge of honor rather than a setback.
Malaysia and Singapore: Two keys to South-east Asia
In Trump’s calculus, South-east Asia is a pivotal arena in his long game with China and any countries with persistent trade deficits against the US.
While US enjoys a trade surplus of US$1.4 billion (RM5.96 billion) and US$2.8 billion with Malaysia and Singapore respectively, the key is Trump, not unlike previous presidents, do not consider the services sector in the whole tariff game.
As and when these countries do not make a big ticket purchase on American Boeing and the likes, they are seen to be in default of Trumpanomics.
Notwithstanding the fact that Malaysia Airlines System (MAS) has committed itself to buying thirty of the Big Birds from Boeing and potentially Air Asia too. Singapore Airlines will naturally do the same. With or without any accomplished ambassadors, the deals have been struck.
What Trump demands are his loyalists to prevent these purchases and the likes to go off-ramp. Something akin to the clients signing on to buying the properties of Trump without backing off or out.
Besides, Malaysia and Singapore sit on the strategic hinge between the Indian and Pacific Oceans, a position which Trump — and his advisers — see as critical in the broader race for supply chains, semiconductor supremacy, and strategic sea lanes.
Yet Trump’s view of engagement here is not subtle. He does not necessarily see Malaysia and Singapore as strategic partners in multilateralism or regional architecture.
Trump sees them as chess pieces to be moved — coerced if necessary — into positions that favour American economic primacy and security dominance. In this game, he does not need ambassadors who are well-versed in Asean communiqués or fluent in regional etiquette.
He needs operatives who will impose, suggest, charm, or intimidate — as required by the moment.
Diplomats as brand ambassadors
Just as Trump has used his family to represent US interests abroad, he now seeks to expand that brand of representation — replacing diplomacy with direct messaging, strategic posturing, and high-stakes theatrics. In that sense, these new ambassadors are not tasked with fostering understanding but with reshaping perception. They are not interpreters of US policy — they are amplifiers of the Trump brand.
This explains the preference for individuals familiar with Trump’s world. Their primary task is not to report from the field but to carry the flag — to execute policies in ways that are unfiltered, unsentimental, and unmistakably Trumpian.
The risk of one-man diplomacy
Of course, there are dangers to this approach. In bypassing career diplomats and appointing loyalists, Trump weakens the institutional underpinnings of US foreign relations. Should these envoys falter — or become persona non grata — the US may find itself without functional bridges in regions where face and trust matter immensely.
Moreover, while Trump may be focused on short-term wins — favourable trade concessions, symbolic projects, or flashy press coverage — the long-term damage to institutional credibility cannot be ignored. Asean nations, after all, are not mere “markets” — they are states with memory, pride, and agency.
Conclusion: Loyalty as leverage
The nominations of Trump’s ambassadors to Malaysia and Singapore are not about diplomacy as the world has known it. They are about control, loyalty, and a deep instinct to disrupt and remake the world in Trump’s image.
These candidates do not meet the standards of traditional diplomacy because they are not meant to. They meet a different standard altogether: the loyalty test of Trump — absolute, personal, unflinching. And that is enough, in Trump’s world, to carry the stars and stripes into South-east Asia.
* Phar Kim Beng is the Director of the Institute of Internationalization and Asean Studies (IINTAS) and Professor of Asean Studies in International Islamic University of Malaysia. He writes frequently on regional trade, diplomacy, and international strategy
** Luthfy Hamzah is a research fellow at IINTAS
*** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail
